Volume 43 | Number 2 Spring 2008
Clientelism in Argentina: Piqueteros and Relief Payment Plans for the Unemployed—Misunderstanding the Role of Civil Society
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II. The Rise of Democracy and Welfarism in Argentia Prior to 1983
This first section is intended to provide some historical explanation of the phenomenon that will be described in the following sections, and gives a summary of the history of Argentina since its independence.
Argentina, a former Spanish colony, severed its bond with the Spanish Crown on July 9, 1816, when a party of separatists declared the country’s independence.13 A bloody civil war followed, with many coups by regional, social, or political factions. Rule by the strong man, the caudillo, alternated with periods of a weak centralized government, often beset by disorder.14 Hence, the election of Bernardino Rivadavia as the first president of the Republic in 1826 did not really mark the beginning of democratic rule in the modern sense.15 Rather, the dominant political group at the time controlled the election of governmental officers. Yet a profound division still existed between the Unitarians, who favored centralization of power in Buenos Aires, and the Federalists, who resented the oligarchy of Buenos Aires and were backed by autocratic caudillos with gaucho troops.16
In 1852, victory in the Battle of Caseros by General Justo José de Urquiza over Juan Manuel de Rosas (a caudillo who had taken the leadership of the country and governed with a very strong hand for more than 20 years) put an end to the conflict.17 Urquiza called a constituent assembly that adopted a constitution in 1853 based on the liberal principles enunciated by Juan Bautista Alberdi, and that had its roots in the U.S. Constitution.18 This constitution established a federal and presidential republic with a bicameral congress.19
By the beginning of the twentieth century Argentina had become one of the richest countries in the world, and its population had been boosted by the arrival of millions of Europeans. 20 Argentinean democracy, nevertheless, was weak. Voting rights were the privilege of an elitist minority, and electoral fraud was common.21 President Roque Saenz Peña introduced an important electoral reform in 1912 making male voting a “universal, secret, and mandatory” right.22
After the relatively stable democratic period from 1852 to 1930, democracy was disrupted by a military coup by General José Felix Uriburu.23 This coup initiated a long period of political and social instability.24 In the midst of this period of instability, Juan Domingo Perón rose to political prominence, ultimately becoming one of Argentina’s most well-known leaders. Perón gained popularity among the working sector by favoring the growth of labor unions and increased wages.25 The strong popular support for these policies propelled him to victory in the 1946 presidential election.26
During Perón’s first two administrations (1946–1955), the Peronists expanded state spending and committed to a dramatic redistribution of wealth through social policy and labor market regulations.27 Perón’s wife, Eva (later called “Evita”) soon became a champion of social welfare programs.28 Perón led a populist government under the flag of wealth redistribution, which was one of the main factors in the economy’s deterioration.29
The Peronist movement used the idea of a welfare state with the declared purpose of guaranteeing universal civil rights as an instrument of partisan propaganda.30 Notwithstanding the propaganda, this welfare movement, conducted by Eva Perón, was not clientelistic.31 With an evident electoral interest in winning over the lowest classes under the slogan “Perón cumple, Evita dignifica,” the Eva Perón Foundation indiscriminately poured public money—plentiful at that moment—over the less-favored.32
Perón, especially during his first two governments, relied heavily on the use of labor unions to mobilize this section of society. For the individuals that remained outside the system, the Eva Perón Foundation practiced direct welfare.33 Its practices were defined as an “expression of solidarity between the working class and the ones that do not work.”34 Indeed, David Rock argues that once President Perón had won over the unions, Eva Perón created lines of communication between the highest and lowest strata of society.35 In any case, Eva’s charity practices (executed through the Foundation) were always inspired by the same end: she exchanged favors and economic benefits for direct electoral support and loyalty.36 This scheme reproduced some of the typical features of classical welfare strategies: discontinuity among different groups, a targeted population diffusedly defined as “poor,” asymmetry in donor-donee relationships, donor discretion in distributions, and the entrenched dependence of the donees.37
As the country’s economic outlook worsened, Perón became increasingly autocratic.38 His regime became marked by curtailments of the freedom of speech, imprisonment of political opponents, electoral fraud, and a general transition to a one-party state.39 In 1946, Perón established the Peronista political party, which was to become a central actor in the political arena.40 In 1949, the Constitution of 1853 was replaced by one that permitted Perón to be reelected.41 Finally, in 1955, Perón was ousted by his disillusioned armed forces and forced into exile.42
The interim military government of General Pedro Aramburu, facing a divided society, attempted to rid the country of Peronism, although he continued the bureaucratic, centralized practices established by Peronism with regard to welfare policy.43 Interestingly, until the 1960s and 1970s both democratic and military governments showed a tendency to decentralize these practices from the federal government to the provinces.44 Aramburu was replaced in 1958 when Arturo Frondizi was elected president.45 Frondizi began undertaking a program of austerity to “stabilize” the economy and check inflation, but his program was prematurely truncated when he fell into disfavor with the military.46 Frondizi was overthrown in 1962 and José María Guido, as leader of the Senate, assumed the presidency.47 New elections were held in 1963, in which both Peronist and Communist parties were banned, resulting in the election of Arturo Illia, a radical.48 Illia faced a serious economic depression and he recognized the necessity of reintegrating the Peronist forces into Argentine political life.49
In 1966, a junta of military leaders, unwilling to tolerate another resurgence of Peronism, seized power and installed General Juan Carlos Onganía in the presidency.50 The new government dissolved the legislature and banned all political parties.51 Widespread opposition to the rigid rule of the Onganía regime grew, and the military deposed him in 1970 and named General Roberto M. Levingston president.52 Economic problems and increased terrorist activities, however, caused General Alejandro Lanusse (the leader of the coup against Onganía) to dismiss Levingston in 1971 and initiate an active program for economic growth, distribution of wealth, and political stability.53 He conducted direct negotiations with Juan Perón and called for national elections.54
Perón was again elected president in September 1973, with his third wife, Isabel Martínez de Perón, serving as vice president.55 When President Perón died in July 1974, his widow succeeded him, despite having no prior political experience.56 Her government faced economic troubles, labor unrest, political violence, and deep divisions within the Peronist party.57 Moreover, Marxist revolutionaries were engaged in a bloody guerrilla campaign during her time in office.58
Isabelita, living in the shadow of Evita, never won over the hearts of the people, and a military junta led by Jorge Rafael Videla deposed her in 1976, installing Videla as president until 1981.59 During this time, the government suspended political and trade union activity, dissolved the congress, made alterations to the constitution, and replaced most government officials.60 The army then embarked upon a violent war against subversion.61
In 1981, General Roberto Viola succeeded Videla as president, but before the year ended General Leopoldo Galtieri replaced Viola.62 These changes were decided unilaterally by the members of the junta—no elections were held.63 In 1982, however, the failure of the ill-fated invasion of the Malvinas Islands (Falkland Islands) forced Galtieri’s resignation.64 Lieutenant General Bignone then succeeded Galtieri in office and quickly called for elections, leading to the victory of the radical leader Raul Alfonsin in October 1983.65